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ISSUE NO. 4.

FRIDAY

3rd JUNE, 2011

Affairs

Current

By Baraka Mwashabwa

+255 717 084 400

By Amani Nkurlu

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By Gregory Gondwe

‘Neo-Imperialism’-A major Threat towards Africa’s progress

In a generally power-politic world, the stranglehold on Africa's economy by Western powers foisted by the imperialist colonial project is however set to remain for some time to come.

After China's current phenomenal economic growth, that it is now the world's second largest economy after the US, it is believed the next 15 to 20 years will see Africa emerge as the "next frontier''.                                         From observation, the world economy has been moving in an ant-clockwise; It started with America, went to Europe, and now in China heading towards Africa.     Yet, if one looks at the state of affairs on the continent, this would seem, at face value, to be quite an elusive dream.                    The widely held opinion, that Africa remains a hotbed of political and economic instability, is now making way (according to reputable research by internationally renowned business and economy think tanks) to a new thinking that because of its vast economic resources, Africa is the continent of the future.                          There are positive numbers to support this view, based on independent research, that Africa's "trade turnover could have reached nearly US$400 billion'' by 2015 from the current US$ 129 billion, which itself represents a tenfold increase since 2000.                 The Economist Intelligence Unit projects that Africa will record a growth rate of an average five percent for the next five years.               .

                 From about less than two percent of world foreign direct investment (FDI) at present, it is estimated by researchers that by 2015, FDI in Africa will be around US$40 billion.
                 There is more happening in Africa than just the widely held perception, fed by recent developments in Tunisia, Egypt, the Ivory Coast, Libya and many other political hotbeds, that Africa is incapable of achieving political and economic stability.                                 The "scramble'' for Africa's resources, particularly minerals, continues to spur economic growth against great odds. China is currently leading the pack with FDI into Africa officially estimated at US$10 billion.

In a generally power-politic world, the stranglehold on Africa's economy by Western powers foisted by the imperialist colonial project is however set to remain for some time to come.                                                    It can indeed be argued that Africa, by and large, is still hostage to the imperial powers, which paradoxically, remain the single most potent threat to Africa's political and economic development, independence and sovereignty.                     And yet are the most interested in exploiting Africa's resources. The meddling and interference by former colonial powers,

unfortunately, is the debilitative impediment to Africa's demographic and indeed democratic transition.                       How Africa responds to this new post-independence neo-colonial threat, a clear and present danger, is crucial to determining the continent's future.                                                            This year alone there will be elections in about 17 African countries. Nigeria and Uganda have already held successful plebiscites; albeit with the usual murmurings and disgruntlement with the fairness of the polls from the ever losing opposition parties.                                      That these elections are being held however is being seen as a positive development towards democratic transition in Africa.                          But is it so, given the obvious interest and desire shown so far by the former colonial powers to influence, if not manipulate the outcomes of those elections? The recent events, for instance, in the Ivory Coast are a case in point,

Press Freedom

FEATURES OF PRESS FREEDOM

Although many scholars consider limitations as part of Press Freedom, the basic reality remains that the main feature of Press freedom is the absence of Limitations. Milingo (2002) would argue, “Freedom can never have attachments…it is freedom as it is. To be free simply means to live and behave as you are created to be. For instance, as a human being, I am not meant to fly, and if I flew, then I have challenged my freedom”. By this, Milingo meant that to be free means to live as you are supposed to; living a good and moral life. This was backed up by the former Editorial Board Chairperson Sakina Dattoo when she explicitly said that freedom cannot be defined with limitations. Press freedom is a positive word and cannot go with limitations which are a negative. Similarly, press freedom would imply being able to live in demand of the codes of journalistic ethics.

Masanja Thomas (2009) also brings out another feature of press freedom as, where people have all the powers to question the government action. This implies that every member of the society has the right to censure and criticise the government’s activities.

The third feature could be what George Orwell in his preface of the famous animal farm considers as implying to the absence of interference from an overreaching state. On the other hand, the world-renowned professor of economics and Nobel Prize winner laureate Amartya Sen argues that the independent media also provide a voice to the neglected and disadvantaged while simultaneously preventing governments from insulating themselves from public criticism. He clarifies this when he says, “No substantial famine has ever occurred in any country with a relatively free press. This thus brings us to the fourth feature of press freedom.

It is little wonder that Sen says:

It is, thus, not at all astonishing that no substantial famine has ever occurred in any independent country with a democratic form of government and a relatively free press. Large famines have occurred in authoritarian colonial regimes (as in British India), in repressive military regimes (as in Ethiopia or Sudan in recent decades), and in one-party states (as in the Soviet Union in the 1930s, in China during 1958-61, in Cambodia in the 1970s, or in North Korea in very recent years). Even though the proportion of the national population that is affected by a famine rarely exceeds 10 per cent, which may be electorally unimportant, yet public discussion of the nature of the calamity can make it a powerful political issue.

In a nutshell, there are many features of Press freedom that many scholars would argue about. However, informed and unregimented formation of values requires openness of communication and argument. The freedom of the press is crucial to this process. Indeed, value formation is an interactive process, and the press has a major role in making these interactions possible. New standards and priorities (such as the norm of smaller families with less frequent child bearing, or greater recognition of the need for gender equity) emerge through public discourse, and it is public discussion, again, that spreads the new norms across different regions.

"No man is an Island, entire of it self," John Donne has told us. And yet the politics of censorship attempts to isolate us from each other. That suppression diminishes our lives, reduces our knowledge, stifles our humanity, and maims our ability to learn from each other. To overcome these handicaps, we need freedom of communication, including press freedom. What can be more important than that?

CAUSES OF POVERTY IN ZAMBIA

1.0              Introduction

Poverty in Zambia is more pronounced in the rural parts of the country. The Central part of the country is densely populated around the industrial belt and mines. In rural Zambia, it is estimated that 83% of the people live below the poverty line. In contrast to some of the neighboring countries, Zambia is scarcely populated. Scarcity in population is mainly pronounced in the remote regions of the eastern and the western parts of the country. In spite of all these, you would hardly understand poverty until you have a concept of Zambia as a country. Thus, Zambia could be described as:

i).         Geographical Location

Zambia is a landlocked Sub-Saharan country sharing boundaries with Malawi, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Namibia, Angola, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Tanzania. It has a total surface area of about 752,614 square km, thus ranking among the smaller countries in South Central Africa. It lies between 8° and 18°south latitudes and

longitudes 22°and 34° east.

iii).       Natural resources

Zambia is situated on the great plateau of Central Africa. Its vegetation is mainly made up of savannah woodlands and grassland. It has a tropical climate with three distinct seasons, the cool and dry season, the hot and dry season and the hot and wet season. The country has abundant natural resources. It has five main rivers, namely Zambezi, Kafue, Luangwa, Luapula, and Chambeshi rivers. In addition to these rivers, the country also has major lakes such as Tanganyika, Mweru, Mweru WaNtipa, Bangweulu and the man-made lakes Kariba and Itezhi Tezhi. Other interesting features include the Victoria Falls, one of the Seven Wonders of the World. Zambia has some of nature's best wildlife and game reserves affording the country with abundant tourism potential for earning foreign exchange. The magnificent Luangwa and Kafue National Parks have one of the most prolific animal populations in Africa. It is also endowed with various minerals and precious stones such as copper, emeralds, zinc,lead and cobalt.

iv).       Population

The population of Zambia has continued to grow. The 1980, 1990 and 2000 censuses estimated the population of Zambia to be at 5.7, 7.8 and 9.9 million respectively. However, the annual population growth rate has shown a decline from 3.1 between 1969-80, to 2.7 percent between 1980-90 and most recently 2.4 percent between 1990-2000. Population by province ranges from 1.6 million in the Copperbelt to 0.6 million in North-western. High inter-censal population growth rates have been recorded for provinces such as Lusaka (3.4 percent), Luapula (3.2 percent) and Northern (3.1 percent). Copperbelt recorded the lowest population growth rate at less than one percent. Zambia is one of the most urbanized countries in Sub-Sahara Africa with about 35 percent of the population living in urban areas. However, this is a decline from 39 percent in 1990. The percentage of urban population by province ranges from 82 and 78 percent for Lusaka and Copperbelt provinces respectively, to nine percent for Eastern province. The average population density for the country has increased from 5.4 in 1969, 7.5 in 1980, and 10.3 in 1990 to13.1 persons per square kilometre in 2000. Average density by province ranged from 64 persons per square kilometre in Lusaka province to five persons per square kilometre in North-western province.

v).        Economy

In 1991, Zambia adopted an open, private sector-led economy with minimal government control. Zambia's economy is based largely on copper and cobalt mining. Copper, which is the country's mainstay, accounts for approximately 80 percent of the country's export earnings. However, due to unfavourable copper prices since 1975, export earnings have been declining. This decline has partly been responsible for poor performance of the real sectors of the economy

that mainly rely on imported raw materials and capital items. The country's balance of payment status has mainly depended on the performance of the mining industry. Despite the additional foreign exchange earnings from non-traditional exports, the country still continues to pay more to the outside world than it earns from its exports; hence the poor balance of payments performance. During the recent drought years, food imports have continued to be high mainly due to the drop in domestic agricultural output.

In an attempt to address this problem, government adopted the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1991, with the intention of creating macro-economic stability in the economy. Measures taken include liberalization of trade, prices, interest and foreign exchange rates, removal of subsidies, privatisation, reduction in public expenditure, public sector reforms and liberalization of the marketing and pricing of agricultural produce.

Structurally, Zambia’s economy has changed little in spite of the above-implemented measures. Consistent high economic growth has been elusive. Over the period 1980 to 1990, the country’s economic growth was the second lowest in Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) after Mozambique. Over the period 1990 to 1999, it has the least average annual growth rate in the SADC region at one percent. That was also below the Sub-Saharan Africa rate of 1.4 percent. However, between 1994 and 2002, real GDP growth showed an increase from 2.2 percent in 1999 to 3.6 percent in 2000 and 4.9 percent in 2001, before declining to 3.0 in 2002. (Source: Zambia Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, 2002-2004)

viii)..    HIV/AIDS Situation in Zambia

The first HIV/AIDS case was reported in Zambia in 1985. Initially, the epidemic of HIV/AIDS cases was in the urban areas, but it soon became clear that all parts of the country were affected. According to the Zambia Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) 2001-2002, Sixteen percent of the Zambian adult population is HIV positive. The prevalence varies by residence. The Urban HIV prevalence of about (23 percent) is twice that of the rural areas (11 percent). Provinces with prevalence levels above the national average include Lusaka (22 percent), Copperbelt (20 percent), and Southern (18 percent). The lowest prevalence levels are found in Northern province (8 percent) and North-Western province (9 percent). In terms of gender, the prevalence rates are markedly higher in women than in men in all provinces except North-Western.

1.1 Poverty

Poverty is a serious problem in Zambia. A series of national surveys conducted by the Central Statistical Office (CSO); the Social Dimensions of Adjustment Priority Surveys of 1991 and 1993 and the Living Conditions Monitoring Surveys of 1996 and 1998 provide trends in the various dimensions of poverty in Zambia. Data from these surveys show that, in general, poverty in most of the critical dimensions increased during the decade. The statistics are based on poverty lines determined by the CSO. In order to ensure comparability of results over time, these poverty lines were the same as those adopted in previous surveys in 1991, 1993 and 1996. The same basket of food has been used throughout, but the poverty lines were adjusted to 1998 prices from the 1991 prices. Similar adjustments were made for the poverty lines in 1993 and 1996,

also from the 1991 prices. (Source: Living Conditions Monitoring Survey in Zambia, 1998.)

Just as all socio-economic groups do not uniformly experience poverty, it is also not uniformly spread across the country. There is greater concentration of poverty in the rural areas than in the urban areas, and in the provinces outside the country’s main line of rail than in the provinces along the line of rail. There are also intra-provincial disparities. The distribution of Zambia’s poor by province show that the poorest provinces are Western, Luapula, Northern, Eastern and North-western.

2.0       Causes of poverty in Zambia

              Poverty in Zambia can be attributed to several factors. Zambia is isolated geographically. Due to this, Zambia's access to markets, productive assets and technical know how is limited. The agriculture sector, which was formerly taken care of, by the government, has been neglected for long. Formerly, the government suggested measures to prevent cattle from being affected by diseases. However, in our discussion, we want to base much on one factor which is the unequal distribution of resources that has also led to the 83% being less privileged.

2.1       Latent causes of poverty

Poverty in Zambia is caused by many things of which some we would consider hidden or rather latent. Of these, we would consider the question of western ‘scarcity’ against the African ‘abundance’. In the first place, we note with concern a comment made by an economist K.E. Boulding reacting to Robbins’ definition of economics with a central component of ‘scarcity’. He notes that his definition of economics is just a valuation problem which deprives economics of the right to study welfare.

Underneath such an observation could be the whole discourse of distribution, which is avoided. Richard G. Lipsey, in the footsteps of Robbins, we would say, uncritically affirms that “every nation’s resources are insufficient to produce the quantities of goods and services that would be required to satisfy all of its citizens’ wants”. The avoided question would be, ‘which wants and which citizens?’

In actual sense, the idea of scarcity of resources can be traced back to the Philosopher Thomas Hobbes’ thoughts, which express human beings as basically competitive due to their unfriendly, hostile and violent nature, combined with each one’s equal right to everything because nature has give all to all. That is why Hobbes himself writes:

For although man might say of everything, ‘this is mine’, yet he could not enjoy it, by reason of his neighbor, who having equal right and power, would pretend the same thing to be his.

For example, we would all claim Lake Victoria is for all Tanzanians, yet other powerful countries with power and right would claim the same. With some more consideration on the principle of abundance, it will be necessary to mention a problem that is always avoided when resources are at discussion; the issue of distribution. The UNDP report of 1998 showed an unnatural disproportionate of resources in the world. The summary of this report had this to say:

It is reported that 255 richest people in the world have a combined wealth of more than $1 trillion equal to the annual income of the poorest 47% of the world’s population. The then three richest people on the planet; Microsoft’s Bill Gates, the Walton family of Wall-Mart stores, and legendary investor Warren Buffet, had assets that exceeded the GDP of 48 developed countries. The combined wealth of the richest 15 people equals the production of the whole sub-Sahara Africa; that of the richest 32 was more than the GDP of Southern Asia, that of the 34 richest was more than the GDP of China. The people living in the richest countries, 20% of the world population used 45% of meat and fish, 58% of the world energy, 84% of paper, 87 % of vehicles etc.

In addition to the above, the Tanzanian weekly newspaper, The Guardian Weekly, had this to say:

….it is estimated that the additional cost of achieving and maintaining universal access to basic education for all, basic health care for all, reproductive health care for all women adequate food for all and also safe water for sanitation for all was roughly $40 billion year.

From our calculations we discover that this is less than 4% of the combined wealth of the 225 richest people on the planet. By taxing the revenue of these people by just 4% therefore, you would the funding needed.

There is an argument that says that resources are scarce if they are not exploited, even if they are naturally there. This argument talks about the scarcity of resources in terms of their exploitation and not in terms of their actual presence. But with the above statistics, one is able to deduce that the issue at hand is most probably, not the scarcity of resources, but its distribution of the abundant resources. To crown it all, we think this could be an issue that Martin Khor of Indonesia tried to bring at the conference on Fate and Hope of the Earth, held in Managua Nicaragua when he quoted Mahatma Gandhi, ‘There are enough resources for everyone’s needs but not for everyone’s greed’. The issue on the abundant resources has been widely discussed by Peter Kanyandago in his article from ‘Scarcity to Abundance: Reflections on using African values to combat fraud’. He argues, and agrees with him that the African economic system is characterized by the notion of abundance availability of and accessibility of resources. In the African or rather Tanzanian worldview, there are enough resources to satisfy human needs, but this presumption is taken with an ethical proviso that resources should be shared, that is, resources are not there to be accumulated for the sake of it, but to satisfy human needs.

2.2       Salient Causes of Poverty

Getting rid of poverty in a developing country like Zambia is critical and deserves our utmost attention. This would only be realized if we note the major causes of poverty. In this way, we would be able to find solutions to the problems. Here are a few reasons why we continue having poverty in Zambia. The list is not exhaustive and each item could be a dissertation on its own.

a). Politicians/Leaders: The quality of leaders we continue to elect leaves much to be desired. Even in the business world, executives in Zambia continue to hire and promote their own in the organizations. This sidelines the most talented and leaves the mediocre to be the main decision-makers. The moment Zambia gives up the selfish ways it elects or appoints leaders we shall begin to see the difference in the way things are going to move in this country. We need quality leadership with exceptional skills and education.

b). Corruption and Abuse of Resources: There is no doubt that corruption in Zambia is a stumbling block to meaningful development in the country. As long as we continue to have government officers ask for a bribe to do business with the government we shall continue heading backwards. Many institutions in this country including, the police and the judiciary need to be freed of corrupt tendencies in order to create a favorable environment for development and get rid of poverty. The few people who run the resources in Zambia end up abusing the resources whether it is authority, moneys, or vehicles. These resources that are supposed to be channeled to develop infrastructure or educate people end up being used by those entrusted to bring the development.

c).  Bad Policies: When policies are made only in the best interest of the ruling elite or the mega foreign investors, the majority of Zambian citizens will continue living in poverty. The Zambian government has failed to create proactive policies that seek to address issues of poverty in this country. The recent closure of several companies in Zambia is a testimony of this failure. Hundreds of employees have been left jobless overnight without benefits whatsoever. The government needs to advocate for the tax-paying citizens. Policies such as mandatory setting up of employee trust funds for new companies need to be introduced. The legislature needs to work up and start addressing real issues of poverty not debating the budget to this day.

d).  Dependency Syndrome: In as much as foreign aid is essential for the development of country we should begin to look elsewhere to become more economically independent. Forty-four years after independence we are still dependent on the West for support. We can hardly stand on our own feet as a nation. It is not only the government who is diseased with begging for alms, but now many Zambians line up on street corners to ask for help.
Why not think of ways to make money as a country? I think government should be in the business of not only counting money generated from tax but also making money and devising new methods of creating a consistent cash flow. IMF and the World Bank have screwed us several times and maybe it is time we got out of those relationships and look for real relationships with mutual interests.

e).  Brain Drain: Zambia has one of the highest rates of brain drain in the world. The emigration of highly skilled personnel such as doctors, nurses, teachers, scientists, administrators, business people, etc continues year after year. With this mass departure of skill for greener pastures, who is left to do the work here in Zambia? Again, it’s back to the mediocre leaders who are running things. If many of these professionals were given incentives to stay home and work in government or develop businesses then we will be taking long strides toward poverty alleviation. The government needs to come up with incentives such as all professionals who continuously live and work in Zambia for ten years will be given a gratuity.

f).  HIV/AIDS: Like brain drain, this disease has claimed so many potential men and women of this country. If you go to any graveyard in this country and look at the tombstones, you will notice that many of the people lying there are people who were in their 30s and 40s. When a country loses so many people in their prime years, then it risks creating a generational gap that will in turn create leadership vacuum in the future. HIV/AIDS needs to be fought relentlessly in every corner of our society and by every member. We need a healthy group of citizens who can take up the leadership positioning in various circles of our society.

g).  Nepotism/Tribalism: Unfortunately, in Zambia, it’s who you know not what you know that counts. Tribalism continues to exist in the Zambian community and it is a big contribution to poverty in this country since its equation eliminates merit.When capable people are marginalized and not given equal opportunities simply because of their ethnicity then we are not helping in any way to curb poverty in this country. It is natural that people will generally favor their own kind after all blood is thicker than water. However, if for once we look past that and put the interests of the Zambian society at heart, then we will be breaking down barriers we don’t need. The best people will become presidents, managers, town clerks, and members of parliament.

h).  Illiteracy: This disease is equally a huge hindrance to development in this country. When the majority of the Zambians cannot read and write it is difficult to comprehend how we can alleviate poverty. Education is a major ingredient to national development and its importance cannot be over-emphasized. The government has done very little to make education mandatory in this country. Similarly, many Zambians lack the appetite to partake in this feast. Many give up too soon. Others have good reasons such as lack of funds, etc. Whatever the case, we need to overcome and do our best to educate ourselves formally or informally. Literacy creates confidence. The confidence needed to open your own business, the confidence needed to encourage others to go to school too, the confidence needed to run for political office and the confidence needed to aim as high as you would want to go.

REFERENCES

Adato, Michelle & Meinzen-Dick, Ruth, eds.(2007), Agricultural Research, Livelihoods, and Poverty: Studies of Economic and Social Impacts in Six Countries, Johns Hopkins UniversityPress,[http://www.ifpri.org/publication/agricultural-research-livelihoods-and-poverty International Food Policy Research Institute

Boulding, K.E. (1998) Income, Inequality, and Poverty." Pp. 18–50 in Confronting Poverty: Prescriptions for Change, edited by Sheldon H. Danziger, Gary D. Sandefur, and Daniel. H. Weinberg. Russell Sage Foundation.

Firebaugh, Glenn. "Empirics of World Income Inequality." American Journal of Sociology (2000) 104:1597-1630. in JSTOR

Frank, Ellen, Dr. Dollar: How Is Poverty Defined in Government Statistics? Dollars & Sense, January/February 2006

Gans, Herbert J., "The Uses of Poverty: The Poor Pay All", Social Policy, July/August 1971: pp. 20–24

Gordon, David M. Theories of Poverty and Underemployment: Orthodox, Radical, and Dual Labor Market Perspectives. 1972.

Lipsey, R.G (1987). Poverty Policy and Poverty Research. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, ISBN 0-299-11150-4

Kanyandago, P. (2000) "International Comparisons of Poverty Intensity: index decomposition and bootstrap inference." The Journal of Human Resources. 35:51-81.

Khor, M. (1998). "Poverty and Social Exclusion: a sociological view." Pp. 41–62 in The Future of European Welfare, edited by Martin Rhodes and Yves Meny.

Sen, Amartya Poverty and Famines: an essay on entitlement and deprivation. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981

Smeeding, Timothy M., O'Higgins, Michael & Rainwater, Lee (1990). Poverty, Inequality and Income Distribution in Comparative Perspective. Urban Institute Press.

MORONS, THUGS AND JOURNALISM IN AFRICA: Unleashing the Democratic Power of the ‘Silent Majority’

The rage of the ‘Engineer or Czar’ of ‘Political Theory of CCM’ Party since the days of TANU and Ujamaa – Socialism based on the principle of responsible collectiveness, - was ‘provoked’ by the Opposition, in particular Chadema Party. Chadema had capitalised on parliamentary interventions of a young MP, Zitto Kabwe. The MP had quickly gained ‘popularity’ or  support, with many Tanzanians, when he charged that a Minister had acted unethically, by signing a mining contract in London, at the Churchill Hotel, and so  on. Following Standing Orders and procedures in the House, the Speaker suspended the Hon. MP, for a period of five months. Then part of the Opposition ‘sold’ Zitto Kabwe to the regions and held political rallies on this particular issue amid cries of allegations of massive corruption and misuse of leadership positions, for personal gains

The ‘Political Engineer’ had charged that the growth of Opposition parties in Tanzania was, in the main, facilitated by the ‘political tolerance of CCM to allow such parties.’ This position sent shock waves to students of Democracy and Political Theory. One can argue that on the contrary, it was rather, the changing stance of the party in leadership and vision, and the demands for change from One Party States to Multiparty democracies - that popularized other emerging parties, to which formerly,  people paid  little attention. For, in Africa – at least for now, Opposition parties do not win elections. Rather, incumbent Parties lose elections, through self destruction, selfishness or what Julius Nyerere rightly called, ‘ sheer drunkenness!’

Thus, at a higher political level, the new development was also brought about by the ‘revolution’ if you may, of Liberalism and multiparty politics that was sweeping across the globe and fuelled by the campaign of the ‘international community’ and the conditionalities of aid and external assistance. In this case, the arguments of the Political Czar, and the consistency of the development of this theory, are dialectically in conflict. Normally, a political party will never ‘allow’ a rival political party to take over or to develop. The development of an opposition also indicates, a slackening of the Ruling Party. In Tanzania, we have all become liberals, opened up resources including mineral reserves and collectively, Africa and countries in the Third, or Least Developed World, has become an international merchandise that is auctioned at the market place, by the G7/8, through the WB and IMF. This, in my opinion, is the continuation of the domination of the world by the victors and losers of WW11 and the political and economic occupation of developing countries by former colonial adventurers and emerging economic giants of Asia, Japan, China and to some extent, Latin America. Like in the former colonial situation, Africa remains the provider of raw material, land for foreign investment, cheap labour and a market for finished goods and services.

The focus therefore, is on this fundamental perspective, rather than narrow, conservative party politics and squabbles among political parties or indeed, political philanthropy and charity. Now the space for a more potent political competition, is expanding in Tanzania and this democratic achievement, provides the political vibrations and initiatives that we see. That, Maalim Seif of Zanzibar, the General Secretary of CUF, is now the First Vice President of Zanzibar, is an event that CCM could not stop because of its magnitude. That is what the people wanted, right or wrong. The credit here goes to the people of Zanzibar, who voted a strong ‘yes’, in favour of the referendum. This ‘accommodation and inclusion’ is an important political right and land mark, in the history of democracy in Tanzania, and  Zanzibar in particular – where there are two strong parties: CCM and CUF. Tanzania mainland is a different story. There is a shifting political ground that has the ingredients of quick sand: The more you wriggle, the deeper you sink!

But the real after shock in the line of the above argument, did not come from the opposition. Unexpectedly, it came from the CCM Central Committee itself, backed up by the Chairman’s speech on the 34th Anniversary of the party when he said, it was time for CCM to change its image and enhance its economic, social and political responsibility through ‘clean and honest leadership’. It was, for lack of a better term, time to ‘shed off the aged skin, and be reborn![i] And come April 2011, that was partly done. The whole secretariat resigned, a New Party Secretary was appointed in the name of Wilson Mukama, an ‘unlikely cadre,’ who had all along been a Civil servant and indeed, a socialite, but with his ear on the CCM party camp – the Party that had, in earlier years, mentored his intellectual faculties, and ideological foundation. Yet one is tempted to ask the question: Wilson who? Not that he was not known. But his rise to that power was as swift as the closing stanza of an orchestra! That is the surprise, and perhaps, in the long run, a pleasant one.

Party members may wish to acknowledge that ‘what befell’, Wilson Mukama and indeed Nape Nnauye, was Choice rather than Fate, in the process of realigning  group dynamics within the old Party - with a strong stress on the survival and continuity of the once, ‘party of the people,[ii]’ that now, had all the characteristics of a ‘Party of Leaders and powerful individuals and groups.’ If the trend is not radically reversed, CCM is likely to turn into a ‘Leaders Club’. This party cannot lose the people now, because – as we recall Nyerere’s comments, the ‘country cannot be allowed to go to the dogs.’  When Yusuf Mzee, the Zanzibar minister for Finance and Planning said[iii] that CCM was a party for Peasants and Workers’, which remark rekindled my orientation to the politics of Liberation, that Africa, and in particular Tanzania, had fought for. In the physical sense, Julius Nyerere was no more. Yet to my surprise, as was confirmed by ‘The Arusha Declaration Congregation at Nkrumah Hall - where the main speaker was none other than Professor Issa Shivji,[iv] the Nyerere Option was still a viable option.  We may not go back to Arusha, because after all, ‘it is about sunset’, and a reversal is unrealistic, especially with the changing fortunes  of a political economy, based on the ideology of  liberalism and corruption of ‘live and let die’.

So, Nape Nnauye, ‘bounced back’[v]as Secretary for Ideology and Publicity. His father loved the piano. To many, in the party and lay life, Moses was a comrade. He led a foot-match from the Party Headquarters in Dar es Salaam, - crossed the Slander Bridge, to the Soviet Embassy when the latter was becoming a bully to ‘little’ East European countries, like Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. As committed  socialists  we sang songs of revolution, while Gorbachev and Milosovic were still political novices. That was Moses. Now the real focus is on his son, who has vowed to clean up the party of the scourge of Mafioso in style and manner of the narrative of the Godfather:

Just hunt them down, one after another, knowing that they too, are good hunters with tones of arsenals. We wish well, the new Secretariat of CCM with Wilson Mukama on the driver’s seat - and hope that his timing in gear shifting, will be right – in a world where Finance is the Gun and Politics, is knowing when to pull  the trigger. If you hesitate, even for  a second - you are as good as dead. You need an all out war in the whole CCM Infrastructure, from  top to bottom. The crusade is larger than what one individual can handle or achieve. What is called for, is not overhauling the party. It is a rebirth. An abortion in this case, will be ‘too ghastly an idea, to contemplate.’

I should not be persecuted, because I see the logic and sustainability of Socialism and sharing. However, Socialism too and indeed, Communism, can be thoroughly corrupt, particularly where we idolize individuals and ‘kingdoms’, rather than a political heritage. We know what happened to Russia, Cambodia, Angola and the kapenta (small fish), of Mozambique, fished in the waters of Mozambique,  packed in a floating factory and labelled: A ‘product of the USSR.’ The tinned kapenta were sold in foreign currency at a ‘Duty Free Shop’, in down town Maputo. The ordinary Mozambican kapenta eater, was obviously, segregated. His own kapenta was now a product of the then Soviet Union. That was day light thievery, regardless of the ideology in question. However, the Arusha Accord was against  what is happening now – that has resulted into a rather disoriented CCM,  suffering  from an acute, ideological and identity crisis. If you ignore history, which will be a stupid mistake, CCM will  not be dissimilar to other parties, say Chadema, UDP or indeed, NCCR – Mageuzi.  Has CCM, become just another party? What is CCM, about CCM? Arithmetic and history and a way to riches – particularly when you own the government of the day. Then the party loses its fundamental role of ideological development. You could actually run the country by using a Chadema manifesto. After a Labour Manifesto in the UK, the country is being run b a blend of Liberal Democrats and Conservative Manifestoes and voters just jump into the band wagon, till the next elections. The country is, basically, still the UK. What is the fuss? CCM has to go back to peasants and workers! This is the fundamental ideological choice, even where one does not need to quote the Arusha Declaration.

When Jakaya Kikwete told the top leadership in a seminar in Dodoma (media reports 9/10/52011), that ministers were ‘married to their  chairs and executive desks’ and that they hardly went out to meet the people and some had probably, lost confidence in themselves, was testimony to a worrisome  situation. Were they scared of the people that elected them, or simply ‘they did not care a dime!’ They would no longer respond to criticism, even where that criticism was baseless or just a pack lies! Indeed, where are the CCM ministers? This is a painful reminder to those who worked with the CCM of Julius Nyerere when the late Mfaume Kawawa, would  jump  ceiling high,  just to make a point in support of his party. First Party. And second, government! Not the other way round, even where to be in the government is to be in the goldmine. If everybody is a digger, who leads and tends to the needs of the people?

What now? One feels the chill of ‘Friday the 13^th’, for those who follow horror movies. A strange impasse and hollowness or vacuum, where Opposition  parties have  spotted  political and social investment: Just ‘make noise’, and by doing so, assist the people to air their views on pertinent issues. Talk about what hurts them most in their fight for a decent life. Mention the stumbling blocks and blame the party in power and promise them ‘miracles of Samunge Village and the Cup of mystery.’ You instantly, become their hero, even where they cannot  spell your name, let alone your ideology. Whatever the case, Chadema has enhanced Political Communication and engagement, although some of the messages might be ‘inaccurate or indeed, alarmist.’ One hopes, we will see substantive responses to ‘these political and economic messages,’ because all the facts and figures are with respective ministries and there is a Cabinet Minister, who ideally, should be the spokesperson of the entire Government! Where is the Director General of Information, who attends Cabinet meetings? One should be created in style and structure of the British model of the CIO – Central Office of Information. This is apart from the Director of Communication in the President’s Office. The long awaited Information Policy document should recommend this change.  As a spin doctor, Dr. Mutua, in Mwai Kibaki’s Office in Kenya, is doing very well, in that capacity: Sharp, eloquent and reflective; regardless  of the vested interests that  the messages, might be representing.

 As Chadema is busy churning out political messages in the countryside,  ‘the CCM Cabinet is in Dar es Salaam, constructing an intercity railway line and flyovers, and the main argument focuses on which building should be pulled down first, to give way to the supra highway.’ In the meantime, Birmingham Football club inspects the stadium and most importantly, accommodation. While all this is happening, ‘Nyamongo citizens are plucking out each other’s eyes,’ as they scramble for ‘new gold.’ There is a true internal scramble for Tanzania, in every sector.

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[i] To put the record in perspective, since the departure of Julius Nyerere from the political scene, CCM has never been the same. The Second Republic President had no choice, but to accept Capitalist economic management of equal opportunity for those who can access it. The Third Republic was pragmatic, but began to bend on the weight of capitalism and bourgeois mentality. The Fourth, faced  an age of protest and a stronger opposition and demands for transparency. After Nyerere, the party had lost its fundamental political strategy and steam. This was also vividly pointed out by former Secretary Generals of the same party: The late Horace Kolimba – who collapsed and later died - after he presenting his case. Later on, Phillip Mang’ula also pointed out the same, indicating that the leaders of CCM were now so corrupt that the whole party had become a ‘laughing stock.’ Fundamental change that will take the party back in track was needed. By any measure the ‘cleaning up process came rather too late and indeed with too little. What happens next, is an interesting question. When Julius Nyerere said that ‘CCM was not his mother,’ what else could one say? By the time Jakaya Kikwete took over, the fabric and backbone of CCM was in shreds! What amends can the master tailor make?

[ii] Particularly in Mono Party politics. TANU and eventually CCM, was a vanguard party. You either belonged to CCM or no  where else of consequence to go. CCM was the party. But now looka like thre are other parties – literally.

[iii] Quoted from TBC news progarmme – Jambo 28/4/2011. Watch him on the bench!

[iv] 30/4/2011 at Nkurumah Hall at the Universiy of Dar es Salaam, carried live by ITV.

[v] After a spell of political limbo, particularly when he took on a powerful member of NEC and former PM, Edward Lowassa on an issue on UVCCM (CCM Youth wing), in a plot dispute - allegedly ‘given to a businessman of Asian origin,’ who seems to be mentioned in some of the high profile scandals, in the country. How could Nnauye Jr. have survived, in battle with the powerful members of CCM? He was later appointed District Commissioner before emerging as the Secretary for Ideology and Publicity of CCM. Now he can talk and move mountains! As Moses, (Nape’s father), commuted between the Party Headquarters, Dodoma and Dar es Salaam, he would stop over at Bwawani – a prisons officers mess, for a little rest and play the piano he travelled with. One of those days, I bumped into him at Bwawani, in what was called the ‘VIP room’, and as we waited for our chicken, we discussed politics and the future of Tanzania. It was not what he said that mattered. It was how he said it. Fascinating stuff.