Tuesday, August 2, 2011


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This Journal is Proudly Sponsored by Nkwabi Ng’hwanakilala. Malimbe Mwanza Tz.

ISSUE NO. 4.

FRIDAY

3rd JUNE, 2011

Affairs

Current

By Baraka Mwashabwa

+255 717 084 400

By Amani Nkurlu


By Gregory Gondwe

‘Neo-Imperialism’-A major Threat towards Africa’s progress

In a generally power-politic world, the stranglehold on Africa's economy by Western powers foisted by the imperialist colonial project is however set to remain for some time to come.

After China's current phenomenal economic growth, that it is now the world's second largest economy after the US, it is believed the next 15 to 20 years will see Africa emerge as the "next frontier''.                                         From observation, the world economy has been moving in an ant-clockwise; It started with America, went to Europe, and now in China heading towards Africa.     Yet, if one looks at the state of affairs on the continent, this would seem, at face value, to be quite an elusive dream.                    The widely held opinion, that Africa remains a hotbed of political and economic instability, is now making way (according to reputable research by internationally renowned business and economy think tanks) to a new thinking that because of its vast economic resources, Africa is the continent of the future.                          There are positive numbers to support this view, based on independent research, that Africa's "trade turnover could have reached nearly US$400 billion'' by 2015 from the current US$ 129 billion, which itself represents a tenfold increase since 2000.                 The Economist Intelligence Unit projects that Africa will record a growth rate of an average five percent for the next five years.               .

                 From about less than two percent of world foreign direct investment (FDI) at present, it is estimated by researchers that by 2015, FDI in Africa will be around US$40 billion.
                 There is more happening in Africa than just the widely held perception, fed by recent developments in Tunisia, Egypt, the Ivory Coast, Libya and many other political hotbeds, that Africa is incapable of achieving political and economic stability.                                 The "scramble'' for Africa's resources, particularly minerals, continues to spur economic growth against great odds. China is currently leading the pack with FDI into Africa officially estimated at US$10 billion.

In a generally power-politic world, the stranglehold on Africa's economy by Western powers foisted by the imperialist colonial project is however set to remain for some time to come.                                                    It can indeed be argued that Africa, by and large, is still hostage to the imperial powers, which paradoxically, remain the single most potent threat to Africa's political and economic development, independence and sovereignty.                     And yet are the most interested in exploiting Africa's resources. The meddling and interference by former colonial powers,

unfortunately, is the debilitative impediment to Africa's demographic and indeed democratic transition.                       How Africa responds to this new post-independence neo-colonial threat, a clear and present danger, is crucial to determining the continent's future.                                                            This year alone there will be elections in about 17 African countries. Nigeria and Uganda have already held successful plebiscites; albeit with the usual murmurings and disgruntlement with the fairness of the polls from the ever losing opposition parties.                                      That these elections are being held however is being seen as a positive development towards democratic transition in Africa.                          But is it so, given the obvious interest and desire shown so far by the former colonial powers to influence, if not manipulate the outcomes of those elections? The recent events, for instance, in the Ivory Coast are a case in point,

Press Freedom

FEATURES OF PRESS FREEDOM
Although many scholars consider limitations as part of Press Freedom, the basic reality remains that the main feature of Press freedom is the absence of Limitations. Milingo (2002) would argue, “Freedom can never have attachments…it is freedom as it is. To be free simply means to live and behave as you are created to be. For instance, as a human being, I am not meant to fly, and if I flew, then I have challenged my freedom”. By this, Milingo meant that to be free means to live as you are supposed to; living a good and moral life. This was backed up by the former Editorial Board Chairperson Sakina Dattoo when she explicitly said that freedom cannot be defined with limitations. Press freedom is a positive word and cannot go with limitations which are a negative. Similarly, press freedom would imply being able to live in demand of the codes of journalistic ethics.
Masanja Thomas (2009) also brings out another feature of press freedom as, where people have all the powers to question the government action. This implies that every member of the society has the right to censure and criticise the government’s activities.
The third feature could be what George Orwell in his preface of the famous animal farm considers as implying to the absence of interference from an overreaching state. On the other hand, the world-renowned professor of economics and Nobel Prize winner laureate Amartya Sen argues that the independent media also provide a voice to the neglected and disadvantaged while simultaneously preventing governments from insulating themselves from public criticism. He clarifies this when he says, “No substantial famine has ever occurred in any country with a relatively free press. This thus brings us to the fourth feature of press freedom.
It is little wonder that Sen says:
It is, thus, not at all astonishing that no substantial famine has ever occurred in any independent country with a democratic form of government and a relatively free press. Large famines have occurred in authoritarian colonial regimes (as in British India), in repressive military regimes (as in Ethiopia or Sudan in recent decades), and in one-party states (as in the Soviet Union in the 1930s, in China during 1958-61, in Cambodia in the 1970s, or in North Korea in very recent years). Even though the proportion of the national population that is affected by a famine rarely exceeds 10 per cent, which may be electorally unimportant, yet public discussion of the nature of the calamity can make it a powerful political issue.
In a nutshell, there are many features of Press freedom that many scholars would argue about. However, informed and unregimented formation of values requires openness of communication and argument. The freedom of the press is crucial to this process. Indeed, value formation is an interactive process, and the press has a major role in making these interactions possible. New standards and priorities (such as the norm of smaller families with less frequent child bearing, or greater recognition of the need for gender equity) emerge through public discourse, and it is public discussion, again, that spreads the new norms across different regions.
"No man is an Island, entire of it self," John Donne has told us. And yet the politics of censorship attempts to isolate us from each other. That suppression diminishes our lives, reduces our knowledge, stifles our humanity, and maims our ability to learn from each other. To overcome these handicaps, we need freedom of communication, including press freedom. What can be more important than that?